(a) Discuss the future of SAARC in the light of India’s increased focus on other regional groupings like ASEAN and BIMSTEC. 20 Marks

The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) took shape in 1985 consisting of 8 countries in South Asia aimed to boost economic and cultural cooperation among India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Afghanistan. 

Despite India’s commitment to SAARC, the organization has faced challenges that hinder effective cooperation. Political differences and historical conflicts among member states have at times overshadowed the broader goals of regional integration. Also, China factor in the recent decade has further weakened the co-operation among weaker nations.

The Indo-Pacific is emerging as a hotspot for global politics and economics even as it faces the massive consequences of challenges such as climate change and supply chain bottlenecks. Within this dynamic space, both the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) are poised to become increasingly influential groupings.

Since 1997, BIMSTEC has focused primarily on economic cooperation and addressing shared challenges in the Bay of Bengal region. It has emerged as an alternative platform to the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), although its ambitions have sometimes outpaced its accomplishments.

Recent engagements, including bilateral dialogues and working visits between ASEAN and BIMSTEC representatives, have highlighted their shared commitment to advancing economic cooperation and knowledge sharing between the regions.  ASEAN and BIMSTEC are pursuing common objectives centred on regional development and collaboration, including economic growth, social progress, and cultural advancement. Both prioritise mutual assistance in economic, technical, and scientific fields and promote regional peace and stability. Additionally, they focus on promoting trade, investment, and transportation connectivity as key enablers for shared prosperity. Both ASEAN and BIMSTEC value close cooperation with regional and international partners to advance their goals and contribute to the overall welfare of their member states.

However, neither BIMSTEC nor ASEAN can substitute for SAARC. They can complement SAARCs roles. Strengthening regional cooperation remains a critical goal for India as it seeks to leverage its position as a regional power for the collective growth and prosperity of all SAARC nations. Despite past hurdles, there are significant opportunities for India and other SAARC countries to collaborate on various fronts, from trade and infrastructure development to addressing common challenges. By embracing shared interests and constructive dialogue, India and SAARC can foster a more integrated and prosperous South Asian region.

(b) Critically examine India’s persistent refusal to sign the nuclear non-proliferation treaty (NPT) despite being recognized as a de facto nuclear power. 15 Marks

The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, commonly known as the Non-Proliferation Treaty or NPT, is an international treaty whose objective is to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons and weapons technology, to promote cooperation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, and to further the goal of achieving nuclear disarmament and general and complete disarmament.

India is one of the only five countries that either did not sign the NPT and due to the following issues India considers the NPT as discriminatory and had refused to sign it.

• Failure of Disarmament Process: The NPT proposes no tangible disarmament roadmap, no reference to testing ban or to the freezing of production of either fissile materials or nuclear weapons, and omitted provisions for reductions and elimination.
• Nuclear ‘Haves’ and ‘Have-Nots’: India criticizes the treaty to be discriminatory as it focuses on preventing only horizontal proliferation while there is no limit for vertical proliferation. In this context, India demands that the Nuclear Weapon State (NWS) should renounce its arsenals and further production in return for the commitment of Non- NWS not to produce them.
• Discriminating Safeguards: Under International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) protocols of nuclear safety, the NWS allowed maintaining ‘voluntary’ safeguards while the rest were subjected to comprehensive safeguards, which seemed intrusive and discriminatory to the NNWS.
• Emergence of Non-state Actors: The emergence of non-state actors with declared intent to access weapons of mass destruction and the detection of a global nuclear black-market, has raised concerns on the limitations of the NPT.

India has opposed the international treaties aimed at non-proliferation since they were selectively applicable to the non-nuclear powers and legitimized the monopoly of the five nuclear weapons powers. Thus, all nations should engage to carve out a multilateral framework for the peaceful use of nuclear energy and global peace.

 (c) “India and USA have become such strong strategic partners that they need not become formal allies.” Comment. 15 Marks

The relationship between India and the United States has evolved significantly over the past two decades, moving from a phase of limited engagement to one of deep strategic partnership. However, despite this growing cooperation, the question of whether India and the U.S. need to become formal allies remains a point of debate.
Strong Strategic Partnership:

1. Security Cooperation: India and the U.S. have significantly enhanced their security cooperation, particularly in the Indo-Pacific region. They have participated in joint military exercises such as Malabar and RIMPAC, focusing on maritime security, counterterrorism, and regional stability. The signing of defense agreements like the Lemoa (Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement) and Comcasa (Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement) has further strengthened military ties, providing India with access to advanced U.S. military technology and logistics support.
2. Economic Ties: The economic partnership between India and the U.S. has flourished, with trade growing in areas like information technology, energy, and defense manufacturing. The U.S. is one of India’s largest trading partners, and both countries have committed to deepening economic collaboration in fields like artificial intelligence, renewable energy, and space exploration.
3. Geopolitical Coordination: India and the U.S. are increasingly aligned on several global issues, particularly in countering China''s assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific. Both countries share concerns about China’s growing influence and have coordinated efforts through the Quad (India, U.S., Japan, and Australia), which aims to promote a free, open, and inclusive Indo-Pacific. Their shared democratic values and strategic interests further solidify their partnership.

Formal Alliance

1. Different Strategic Priorities: While India and the U.S. have become strong partners, India’s policy of strategic autonomy and non-alignment prevents it from fully embracing formal alliances. India values its ability to engage independently with multiple global powers, including Russia and China, without being bound by the obligations of formal alliance systems like NATO.
2. Diplomatic Flexibility: India''s foreign policy is rooted in flexibility, which allows it to engage with various countries and regional groupings without the constraints of formal alliances. By maintaining its independence, India can pursue a balanced approach to global issues without being forced into confrontations that may arise from formal alliance obligations.

India and the U.S. have become increasingly strong strategic partners, but a formal alliance is not necessary for this partnership to thrive. Both countries benefit from a relationship built on cooperation, mutual interests, and diplomatic flexibility, which allows them to address global challenges without being constrained by formal military alliances. The evolving partnership will likely continue to grow in the coming years, driven by shared values and interests, without the need for formal military commitments.